The Scandal of Poverty in Modern Ireland

31/12/09

Poverty is by no means a new phenomenon in Ireland.

Despite emerging from a decade of the ‘Celtic Tiger’ boom, poverty and especially fuel poverty, the inability to heat the home adequately because of low household income and energy inefficient housing, remains a major problem for a large number of people on both sides of Britain’s border.

The recent spell of extreme cold weather, with temperatures dropping to below -10 degrees in many areas, merely serves to highlight the true extent of the effects the recent budget cutbacks will have on working people and the most vulnerable in our society.

Throughout the entire Celtic Tiger era, at a time when the Twenty-Six County administration had wealth of an unprecedented level in the public coffers and while the business class and their political cronies were living lavish and expensive lifestyles, many children often lay awake at night, cold and hungry. Young kids went off to school in the morning without a proper breakfast, in many instances without breakfast at all, and without proper footwear and clothing to protect them from the cold and wet.

For those families on low incomes, it was a daily struggle to keep a roof over their heads, to put food on the table, to heat their homes adequately, to clothe themselves and to try to stave off sickness. For far too many people, that was a struggle they ultimately lost, succumbing to cold and hunger, homelessness, ill-health and even death.

Research compiled by the Institute of Public Health in Ireland, published in 2007, showed that, every year during the winter months, almost 3,000 people die due to preventable, cold-related illness. According to the report, fuel poverty directly effects people’s health and the levels of fuel poverty in Ireland were “unacceptably high”.

This analysis is supported by the Combat Poverty Agency, who made it clear that people “who live in poverty are at greater risk of poor mental and physical health: they get sick more often and die younger than people who are better-off”.

Figures from the Central Statistics Office in the Twenty-Six Counties show that, in 2008, more than four per cent of people were still living in consistent poverty, with almost 15 per cent at risk of poverty. Almost a third of those living in consistent poverty were children.

All the figures above have, almost certainly, risen over the past 12 months as the recession kicked in and are set to rise even further due to the latest budget cuts.

Pay cuts of five per cent on low income workers, cuts in child benefit and social welfare, the scrapping of the Christmas bonus, the introduction of prescription charges, the carbon tax and increase in fuel costs will now result in a sharp decline in the living standards of working people.

It is not as if the administration in Leinster House wasn’t warned of the impact these cuts would have. In the run-up to the Twenty-Six County budget, organisations such as St Vincent De Paul that work on a daily basis with those most effected by poverty, warned them of the effects that any cuts on low income workers and social welfare recipients while at the same time increasing fuel costs would have.

St Vincent De Paul made clear that the effects of fuel poverty are “far reaching, affecting the health of those who are fuel poor along with causing premature mortality”. Noting the fact that two thirds of welfare recipients already needed assistance in paying their fuel bills, they made clear in no uncertain terms that such increased fuel costs and cuts would add to people’s hardship, increase poverty and result in many people going without food and other basic necessities.

éirígí, Shell to Sea and many other progressive groups also pointed out that claims by the business and political class that these cuts were essential and that there was no alternative to them, were, in fact, bogus.

Contrary to Twenty-Six County finance minister Brian Lenihan’s claim that “there is no pot of gold that can be raided from the wealthy that can solve our difficulties”, more than a third of the entire wealth of the southern state lies in the hands of just one per cent of the population, capital that remained untouched by this budget.

Hundreds of billions of euro worth of natural resources, such as oil and gas, also lie under the Irish seabed, the rights to these resources shamefully given away to multi-national corporations such as Shell, by previous Fianna Fáil-led administrations.

Yet Brian Lenihan and his cronies in the Fianna Fáil/Green Party coalition took a deliberate decision not to nationalise these natural resources and not to target the wealthy elite who amassed billions upon billions of euro during the Celtic Tiger era for themselves on the backs of the labour of workers. The very people who are largely responsible for creating the economic crisis in the first place through a mixture of incompetence, greed and corruption, escaped Budget 2010 with their wealth intact.

Lenihan and co ignored the advice of SVP and others working with the poorest sections of Irish society and decided instead to slash the already inadequate incomes of low paid workers and social welfare recipients in order to bail out the banks and protect the extravagant lifestyles of the business class.

In the wake of Lenihan’s decision, Saint Vincent De Paul said that the social welfare cuts will increase hardship for families and “push people into debt”. Children’s charity Barnardo’s also supported this viewpoint, pointing out that more than six per cent of children in Ireland were already living in poverty in 2008 and that the latest cuts “will greatly add to the hardship and poverty experienced by children”.

As we enter 2010, the stark reality is that more and more families, and particularly children, will sink deeper into poverty. As increased numbers of people find they are unable to buy sufficient fuel to heat their homes, to buy adequate winter clothing and to provide proper nourishment for themselves and their families, more people will fall ill and die.

The biggest scandal in all of this is that it is all so completely unnecessary – with the political will it would not be allowed to happen. Those families that fall into poverty and poverty-related illnesses and deaths will do so, not by accident or act of god. They will do so because of very cold and calculated decisions taken by those who hold the reins of power, because of those who introduce cutbacks in the full knowledge of the damaging effects these cuts will have.

Every single one of those politicians that voted for Budget 2010 shares direct responsibility for every person that falls ill or dies as a result. For them, their neo-liberal capitalist agenda and their belief in a small minority’s right to amass vast profits, takes priority over the health and well being of workers and those surviving on welfare. To them, the ill and dying are merely “collateral damage” in their quest to attain their ill-gotten gains – a sad indictment of modern Ireland and those who currently misrule it.

Viva Palestina Convoy Halted – Six Palestinians Killed

26/12/09

The convoy of international aid destined for the besieged people of the Gaza Strip in occupied Palestine was, on Thursday evening [December 24], prevented by the Egyptian government from entering the country.

The Irish contingent left Dublin on December 4 and had travelled through England, France, Belgium, Luxemburg, Germany, Austria, Italy, Greece, Turkey, Syria and Jordan before being refused entry by Egyptian authorities.

Around 250 vehicles from across Europe and the United States, with groups from Malaysia and South Africa among others, are now trapped in Aqaba, Jordan.

In every country, the Viva Palestina convoy had been warmly welcomed by international solidarity activists and members of local Palestinian communities.

The only incident before now occurred in Austria, where several crews were stopped by police and their drivers fined for the vehicles being overweight. Suffice to say, those drivers were proud of that particular run-in with the law.

There had been some concern over the attitude the government of Egypt would take to the convoy. The Rafah crossing is the only means of entering Gaza not under direct Israeli control, but the border gate has been locked down by the Egyptian government for over two years.

Though the two previous convoys had succeeded in travelling through Rafah, given Egypt’s good relations with US imperialism and the zionist settler state it was known that they had come under extra pressure to prevent this aid convoy from reaching its destination.

The Egyptian government has placed several conditions on the Viva Palestina convoy if it wishes to enter. It has declared that the convoy may not enter Egypt through the port at Nuweiba, the nearest town to the convoy’s location, but instead must get a ferry past Nuweiba, travelling down the entire east coastline then back up the west coast through the Suez Canal and on to the northern port of El Arish. This route will add another 500 miles to the convoy’s journey.

The Egyptian government has also said that the Viva Palestina convoy must not donate the vehicles and hundreds of tonnes of aid it has gathered directly to the people of Gaza, but that it must hand over everything to the UNRWA.

The government has also demanded that the convoy must ask the permission of Israel to enter Gaza via Egypt. This demand by a supposedly independent government has caused disgust among the hundreds of people participating in the convoy, and outrage throughout the Arab world. Needless to say, these conditions have been rejected outright.

People are being asked to contact their Egyptian embassy to express their outrage at Egypt’s refusal to allow humanitarian aid into Gaza and for their subservience to Israeli interests. In Dublin, the Egyptian embassy can be contacted by phone at 0(0353) 1 6606718 and 0(0353) 1 6606566 or emailed at consular@embegyptireland.ie

As this stalemate drags on, the Israeli government has recalled its envoys from all over the world for a conference on “the global challenges facing Israel”. The conference will take place December 27-31 and will see ambassadors discuss such grave threats as the UN’s Goldstone report regarding the assault on Gaza one year ago.

In recent days, Israeli military forces have also got back to business as usual, shooting dead six Palestinians in two separate incidents in the West Bank and Gaza.

Israeli authorities have also delivered eviction orders to a dozen Palestinian families near the West Bank city of Jenin. The crime perpetrated by these families is that they had not received planning permission for their dwellings, which are all but impossible for Palestinians to obtain from the Israeli government. The homes will now be demolished.

The people who have spent the last three weeks on the road as part of the Viva Palestina convoy are determined to enter the beleaguered Gaza Strip. They are determined that the aid and vehicles they have spent months fundraising for will reach the people of Gaza.

It falls to people around the world to continue the push for a boycott of and sanctions against the apartheid Israeli state. The Palestinian people must see that the world has not forgotten their plight. Viva Palestina has been a shining light in this cause.

Water Charges: The Battle Commences

21/12/09

Twenty-Six County minister for finance Brian Lenihan has confirmed the Dublin government’s plans to impose domestic water charges.

This follows an agreement reached last October between Fianna Fáil and their Green Party coalition partners in the renewed programme for government.

Not so long ago, Fianna Fáil ministers were quick to deny that water charges were even on the agenda. It is interesting to recall what former Twenty-Six County minister for the environment and local government Dick Roche had to say on the issue of domestic water charges during the debate on the Water Services Bill, which was passed in 2007. The Act gives local authorities the power to supply domestic water through a metering system and deems it an offence to remove or tamper with a water meter. During the debate on the bill, Roche argued that metering was simply a device aimed at encouraging conservation of water and not, as was argued by others, simply a backdoor attempt to introduce water charges. Roche was emphatic in his denial:

“I would like to discuss the issue of domestic water charges. If I may be excused the pun, it seems that there has been a deliberate attempt to muddy the waters in this regard. I stress that the Bill before the House does not provide for or facilitate the re-introduction of domestic water charges. The Government’s position on water charges is not changed in any way by this Bill... I repeat that the Bill is not a Trojan horse for domestic charges.”

Significantly, the minister was equally emphatic in his rejection that the Water Services Bill paved the way for the eventual privatisation of the service: “Nothing in the Bill is intended to move water services policy towards privatisation.”

Needless to say Roche’s assurances about privatisation should be taken as seriously as his denial in relation to water charges. The introduction of water charges and the privatisation agenda is part of a wider government strategy as illustrated by the recent savage budget. Lenihan’s declaration of war on the working class was framed in order to satisfy powerful international interests, admitting as much himself in his budget speech:

“The measures we have taken have been commended by international bodies such as the European Central Bank, the European Commission, the IMF and the OECD. They have also won the approval of the international markets.”

The Dublin government sought to reassure international finance markets that they were serious about slashing public spending; driving down wages; cutting jobs in the public sector and opening up the public sector to the private market.

The poorest and most vulnerable sections of Irish society, such as the unemployed, carers and blind people, were sacrificed in order to satisfy the wealthiest and most powerful institutions in the world.


The IMF is notorious for holding some of the poorest countries in the world to ransom. This is done through what are known as Structural Adjustment Programmes, whereby loans are only given on condition that public services are opened up to the private market, wages are driven down in order to improve what economists like to call ‘competitiveness’, markets are entirely de-regulated, and exports encouraged. This neo-liberal policy considers the state to have a minimal role in the economy, except, of course, when it comes to bailing out banks. It is a policy that has proven ruinous for developing countries and one which has driven millions further into poverty. Indeed, former IMF senior economist Davidson Budhoo was forced to admit that IMF policies had created ‘economic bedlam’ in Latin America and Africa.

If one looks closely at the Twenty-Six County government’s agenda and how it is being rolled out, it is clear they are following the direction given by international finance houses and ensuring that the economy is organised in the interests of the world’s global corporations.

The first element of the plan was to cut public spending and public sector wages, which was done in the most ruthless fashion with a 4.1 per cent cut in welfare payments, a €16 [£14] per week reduction in child benefit and the halving of jobseekers’ allowance for young people. Wages for the lowest paid workers in the public sector were cut by five per cent, representing an overall cut of 12 per cent this year, while day-to-day departmental spending was cut by almost €1 billion [£890 million].

With this element of the government plan complete, signalling their intention to introduce water charges was the Dublin government’s message to the IMF that privatisation is on the way. The softening up of public opinion over the coming months should be expected. The noises coming from the Twenty-Six County Department of Finance about cutting pay levels in the semi-state sector and IBEC’s call for a reduction in the minimum wage should also be seen in this context.

The propaganda war will begin in earnest. The corporate media and right-wing economists will be mobilised to tell us that water is simply another ‘commodity’ which has an ‘economic’ value and that failure to recognise this has led to wasteful practices. It is these supposed wasteful practices, it will be alleged, that have led to water becoming a scarce resource, and, therefore, the only way to conserve water, we will be told repeatedly, is by turning water into a commodity and to charge consumers for its use. Green Party spokespeople will be trotted out ad nauseam to tell us of their deep concern for the environment (they are the only ones who care, it seems) and to reassure us that only those who ‘waste’ water will be charged a fee.

Once this is complete, the next, ‘logical’ step the right-wing quack economists so-beloved of RTÉ will inform us is to open the water service to the market. All in the interests of ‘competition’ you understand and, of course, ‘cheaper’ prices. It’s all just ‘common sense’ really. For right-wing economists and their corporate friends where the bottom line is profit it is, of course, common sense. Their attempts to convince us that it is, similarly, in the interests of the wider public needs to be resisted as the transformation of water into a commodity is far from ‘common sense’. It is a sign that the capitalist class is desperately seeking to open yet another market in which to invest and turn a profit.

While it is fair to say that fresh water supplies are becoming scarce; this is not as a result of the profligacy of domestic users, rather it is a result of the failed policies of government and the insatiable demand of capitalist industry and agriculture. In fact, domestic users and municipalities account for just 10 per cent of global water use. Meanwhile, a total of 400,000 litres of water is used in the production of one car and it is estimated that the computer industry in the US will use 1,500 billion litres of water and produce 300 billion litres of waste water each year.

The failure of the Dublin government to invest in the maintenance of the water infrastructure across the Twenty-Six County state has resulted in huge amounts of water being lost through leaking pipes. Despite claims in 2004 that over €5 billion [£4.5 billion] would be invested in water infrastructure, the recently published Local Government Management Services Board (LGMSB) report on Service Indicators in Local Authorities demonstrates that almost two thirds of local authorities in the Twenty-Six Counties are losing over 40 per cent of their water through leaking pipes.

Yet, if the Dublin government is successful in introducing charges, it will be domestic users who will be forced to pay for this lack of investment.

Throughout the building boom, the Dublin government failed to introduce building regulations that would conserve water. Currently, the vast majority of toilets in domestic households across the Twenty-Six Counties use at least nine litres of water per flush.

Over a 13-year period between 1995, when the housing boom took off, and 2008, when it crashed, a total of 828,875 housing units were built in the Twenty-Six Counties. Yet, it was not until August of last year that regulations were introduced that require all new buildings to be installed with dual flush toilets.


In 1996 an attempt to foist water charges on Dublin households was defeated by a campaign of mass non-payment. One of the demands of the Federation of Dublin Anti-Water Charges Campaigns was the introduction of building regulations that would install water saving features into homes across the Twenty-Six County state. Had a decision been taken at that time to introduce dual flush toilets, billions of litres of water would have been conserved. The Dublin government’s failure to do and the construction of over 800,000 housing units since then exposes their rank hypocrisy in relation to conservation.

Of course, we will be told by the quack economists that ‘we are where we are’. Much like the actions of the bankers, property developers and stock-brokers who gambled with our futures, they will tell us there is no point in looking back or seeking to cast blame. Already, the corporate media is cheerleading for water charges on the basis that the installation of water metres will create employment. But so would the dredging of rivers, which help to prevent flooding, as would the installation of water gatherers and dual flush toilets, and both are initiatives that would actually assist in the conservation of water.

However, for the Dublin government and the business class, it is market interests that prevail. The imposition of water charges is not about conservation, it is about privatisation and the creation of a new market for international capital to invest. Turning water into a commodity and charging domestic householders for its use is simply a means by which to create a profit. Conservation is the propaganda tool to prise open a market in water.

As it stands, the Water Services Act promotes the involvement of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) and section 31.2 of the Act is explicit in opening up the supply of water to the market:

“A water services authority may provide water services or supervise the provision of water services by other persons, in accordance with any prescribed standards, for domestic and non-domestic requirements in its functional area.” (Water Services Act, 2007)

For private companies, profit maximisation is the bottom line and the experience of privatisation of the water supply in England and Wales has proven disastrous. For domestic householders, the Thatcher government’s decision to privatise the 10 local water authorities in England and Wales resulted in high prices for households and a diminishing service; for the private companies it proved a boon. The newly privatised water authorities failed to invest in the water infrastructure, leading to a situation in which over one third of the water supply in some parts of England was lost through leaking pipes. Yet, between 1989 and 1995, there was a 106 per cent increase in water rates and a 50 per cent increase in service disconnections. Meanwhile, company profits soared by 692 per cent and salaries for CEOs increased by 708 per cent.

That is the reality of privatisation: private profit and inflated salaries for company directors, not conservation, is the driving force. Water has become a major global business. French corporations Suez and Veolia have amassed enormous profits from the privatisation of water supplies, particularly in developing countries. The Suez Corporation is 80th on Fortune magazine’s list of the world’s top 500 corporations. It recently won a €100 million [£89 million] contract to build and operate water treatment facilities in seven African countries.

The battle over water charges is just commencing and the announcement in the Twenty-Six County budget that water metres are to be installed and domestic charges to be introduced are but the opening salvos. This is clearly part of a wider war that the Dublin government has declared on the working class and public services.

Let there be no doubt that privatisation is the real agenda. It ought to be recalled that the imposition of household waste charges, which were championed by the local authority management as part of a recycling initiative, was simply a precursor to the privatisation of bin collections. We were also told that the poorest households would receive a waiver on charges; yet, last week, Dublin City Council announced that, from next year, the poorest households in the local authority area will be charged up to €208 [£185] per year for bin collection.

Within days of the budget, John Gormley, the Twenty-Six County minister for the environment, announced the establishment of a ‘Local Government Efficiency Review Group’. Its terms of reference are as follows:

“To review the cost base, expenditure of and numbers employed in local authorities with a view to reporting on: specific recommendations to reduce costs; - the effectiveness of particular programmes; - optimal efficiency in the way programmes are delivered; and - any other proposals to enhance value for money in the delivery of services at local level.”

The Review Group is to be headed by Pat McLaughlin, a former member of An Bord Snip whose recommendations formed the basis of Brian Lenihan’s savage budget. The McCarthy Report also recommended the imposition of water charges and the slashing of over 17,000 jobs in the public sector.

This is what the latest Review Group can be expected to deliver, which, of course, will be presented as simply being in the interests of ‘efficiency’ and ‘value for money’. Needless to say, the advance guard of right-wing economists and the corporate media will do their bidding over the coming months. The neo-liberal agenda that seeks to drive the working class into poverty while putting tens of billions of tax-payers’ money into bailing out the banks and developers will succeed unless the combined forces of the left, trade unions and working class communities are mobilised in determined opposition.

Meanwhile, in the North, the Six-County finance minister Sammy Wilson and his minister for regional development Conor Murphy have both talked up the possibility of the implementation of water charges and are now using the spectre of these charges as a threat to smooth the way for cuts in other public services. The implication of their recent dire warnings on the size of the British government’s stipend to the Six County state has been that, if there is too much resistance to cuts in the services that working class people rely on, water charges will be introduced in earnest.

As éirígí has repeatedly pointed out, the Fianna Fáil/Green Party budget represented a declaration of war on the working class. The fight back must to begin in earnest.

Fight Back Begins Against Savage Budget

16/12/09

Over the course of the last fortnight éirígí activists in Sligo, Dublin, Cork, Wicklow and Donegal have distributed leaflets, convened public meetings, erected banners and taken part in public protests in opposition to the latest savage budget from the Twenty-Six County government.

In Dublin anti-cutback themed public meetings have been held in Quarryvale in North Clondalkin, Fatima in the South Inner City and Cherry Orchard. To date more then ten thousand homes across the city have received éirígí leaflets which detail the main elements of the budget and encourage people to actively oppose the draconian cutbacks.

On the night of the Budget (December 9) several dozen éirígí activists protested at the gates of Leinster House itself – delivering a strong and colourful message directly to those who have declared war on the poor of the Twenty-Six Counties.



On Saturday morning (December 12) up to thirty people joined an anti-cutback’s protest in North Clondalkin that had been organised by éirígí’s South Dublin Ciorcal Áitiúil (local branch).

Outside of Dublin, in Wicklow, Cork, Donegal and Sligo a number of banners have been erected and thousands more leaflets distributed.

Speaking in relation to éirígí’s campaign of opposition to the cutbacks national chairperson Brian Leeson said, “Brian Lenihan’s claims that the worst of the cutbacks are now over stand in stark contrast to the commitments that he has already given to the European Union and the international banks from whom he is borrowing tens of billions of euros. He has told them that he will cut at least 11 billion euros over the next three years, in addition to the 4 billion he cut last Wednesday. So how can the worst have already passed?



“Others have already stated that Brian Lenihan’s budget constituted a declaration of war on the poor. On one side of this war are those who have amassed great wealth and power and on the other side are the workers that created the wealth, the young, the old, the sick, the marginalised and the poor. It is now clear that Fianna Fail and their allies in the business world intend to use the current economic depression to drive through a neo-liberal agenda that would be unthinkable and un-implemental in ordinary times. What we are witnessing now is an Irish version of disaster capitalism.

“The very future of Irish society is at stake in this war between the rich and the poor, between the apparently powerful and the apparently weak. That which Brian Lenihan has portrayed as ‘necessary’ for economic recovery is nothing short of a neo-liberal wish list. The deconstruction of the welfare state, the defeat of the organised labour movement, reductions in the wages and conditions of workers, deregulation of the so-called market place, the privatisation of public services have long been promoted by those who represent the interests of the elite, both in Ireland and globally.



“We in éirígí understand that that at the end of this war there can only be one winner. And we are determined to make sure that it will be the workers and not the bosses that claim Ireland for their own. Over the last few days our party has made a relatively small contribution to a campaign that must be built over the coming months. For the first time in a generation the stark realities of capitalism are coming home to roost for millions of Irish citizens. The time for moderation and negotiation has past. The time for action is upon us. There is nothing the right wingers and the political establishment fear more than an organised, mobilised working class movement for revolutionary change. We in éirígí are fully committed to making their greatest nightmare into a reality.”

Fianna Fáil/Green Party Declare War on Workers and the Poor

10/12/09

The Fianna Fáil/Green Party budget represents a savage attack on the working class of the Twenty-Six Counties. The economic recession has been used as a means to drive down the pay and conditions of workers, to cut welfare payments and to slash public spending in areas such as health, education, housing and transport.

In total there have been cuts of €760million (£687million) in welfare payments, almost €1billion (£904million) in day-to-day public spending, €1.3billion (£1.2billion) in public sector pay and a further €1billion in capital spending. Those who were in no way responsible for crashing the economy are paying the highest price. While Twenty-Six County Finance Minister Brian Lenihan claimed in his budget speech that “The effort demanded of every citizen in this Budget is substantial, but it is the last big push of this crisis”, the reality is that the richest section of society can continue to enjoy their vast wealth, while the poorest and most vulnerable are being forced to carry the burden of the recession.



Yet the budget proposed no increase in income tax, no increase in property tax, no increase in corporation tax. Nor was there any proposal to take into public ownership the ‘pot of gold’ that sits off west coast in the form of oil and gas reserves. The protection of the rich at the expense of the least well off is evident in some of the savage cuts imposed in welfare and public sector pay, these include:


An across-the-board cut of 4.1 per cent on all welfare payments (except the state pension); those entitled to unemployment allowance, carers allowance, the blind pension, disability allowance, invalidity pension and one parent family payment amongst others will experience an average weekly reduction of €8.30 (£7.50) per week. In addition young people have been singled out for particularly draconian cuts. Those new applicants for jobseekers allowance who happen to be under the age of twenty-one years will receive a payment of just €100 (£90) per week while those between the ages of twenty-two and twenty-four years will receive €150 (£136).
Public sector workers earning below €30,000 (£27,000) will have their pay reduced by 5%, with additional cuts for those earning above this amount. This is addition to a cut of 7% in the form of a pension levy last April. Thus the pay of the lowest paid public sector workers has been cut by 12% in less then twelve months.
Child Benefit has been cut by €16 (£14.50) per month
Medical card holders face the imposition of a fifty cent prescription charge and there is an increase in the threshold for the Drugs Payment Scheme from €100 to €120 (£109).

These are merely the headline figures which were set out in Lenihan’s speech. In addition the budget also sees cuts of almost €1billion in day-to-day spending, most of which Lenihan chose not to announce during the course of his address in Leinster House.

The health budget has been slashed by a staggering €400million. In education a phenomenal €134million is clawed back by cuts in the school transport scheme; the back to education allowance; VTOS allowances and third level student grants. A €4million (£3.6million) ‘rationalisation’ of teacher supports is code for cuts in funding for children with special needs.

A €50million (£45million) cut in the Department of Employment and Enterprise will see a reduction in grants for Community Employment schemes as well as cuts in Community Employment and Jobs Initiative allowances. The €15million (£13.6million) cut in the budget for the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs will mean cuts in community development programmes, drugs programmes and funding to the Gaeltacht and for the Irish language.

Cuts of €78million (£70.5million) in the Department of Environment and Local Government will see a reduction in the state’s commitment to social housing, which will result in the state withdrawing from the building and maintenance of public housing. There will also be significant cuts in public transport with a €60million (£54million) cut in the budget for the Department of Transport. In addition to these cuts Lenihan confirmed that domestic water charges will be imposed next year.

The basis for this savage budget was laid out in the McCarthy report published last July, which proposed public spending cuts of €5billion (£4.5billion). The report’s solution to the crisis of capitalism was for the state to slash and burn across the public services: it proposed 5 per cent cuts in all social welfare payments; 20 per cent cut in child benefit; 17,300 job cuts in the public sector; €44million (£39.8million) cuts in community development programmes; the privatisation of public transport, the introduction of domestic water charges; a reduction in the third level maintenance grant; cuts in Community Employment schemes and the Gaeltacht and Irish language.

The report of the so-called ‘An Bord Snip Nua’ pressed for the speedy implementation of public spending cuts which it argued would “minimise the need for tax increases”. Thus the essence of the McCarthy Report has been fully implemented in this budget and the neo-liberal principles of cuts to public spending, privatisation of public services and the deregulation of the market are firmly enshrined in Dublin government policy.



The international financial markets that Lenihan was so keen to impress in his speech will surely take great solace from this. He stated that: “The measures we have taken have been commended by international bodies such as the European Central Bank, the European Commission, the IMF and the OECD. They have also won the approval of the international markets.” Thus some of the most vulnerable people in Irish society are being forced to live on less than €200 (£180) per week in order to keep the IMF happy – a truly rogue organisation that has imposed massive human misery on some of the poorest countries in the world through so called ‘structural adjustment programmes’.

The Dublin government has worked assiduously over the last number of months to ensure that the blame and the burden of the capitalist crisis will be foisted on workers and those on welfare. Over the last year over €60billion (£54billion) has been pumped into bailing out banks and property developers. The establishment of NAMA, the nationalisation of Anglo-Irish losses and the injection of €7billion (£6.3billion) of tax-payers money into Allied Irish Bank and Bank of Ireland has been the government’s response to the failure of the capitalist system.

Propping up a failed system while slashing public spending is the ‘logic’ of neo-liberal economics. At the same there has been a sustained and vicious corporate media onslaught against public sector workers. In addition private sector and public sector workers have been pitched against one another. This strategy ensured that the focus of attention was taken from those responsible for collapsing the economy.

The cheerleading is being led by the Sunday Independent whose owner Tony O’Reilly has good reason to redirect public anger towards workers rather than capitalists. One of his companies, Providence Resources, which owns sixteen per cent of the Dunquin gas and oil reserves, benefits enormously from the government’s oil and gas giveaway.

For over six months the corporate media has demonised public sector workers as it sought to generate support for the bizarre notion that slashing public services and cutting pay and welfare was somehow ‘common-sense’. The corporate media played a central role in creating the conditions for a backlash against the public sector, notwithstanding the fact that 40 per cent of public sector workers earn less than €40,000 (£36,000) and that the level of state spending on public services in the Twenty-Six Counties has been consistently below other European Union states.

In fact at thirty per cent of Gross Domestic Product, public spending in the Twenty-Six Counties is below that of the United States of America. Yet senior bankers, who were largely responsible for bringing the economy to its knees and only continue to operate because the massive state bail-outs, continue to be paid annual salaries of hundreds of thousands of euro.

Throughout the course of the last year unemployment rates have risen dramatically. There are currently 412,000 people on the live register, an increase of 150,000 since November 2008. The Lisbon Treaty referendum was re-run in October, a treaty that codifies the principles of neo-liberal economics into the EU, it was sold to the electorate on the basis that a Yes vote was essential for job creation.

Given the numbers out of work and the fears people had of what the future might hold the Treaty was passed. Since October thousands of job cuts have been announced and it appears is predicted that tens of thousands of more jobs will be lost in the coming months. This budget offers absolutely nothing to the hundreds of thousands who are currently unemployed.



The working class who gained least during the course of the Celtic Tiger are paying a heavy price for the failings of capitalism. The Dublin government’s agenda is clear: private capital will be defended at all costs while the poorest and most vulnerable are forced to live on less than €200 per week. If you are unlucky enough to be under the age of 24 you must survive on between €100 and €150.

For the political establishment in the Twenty-Six counties the poor have always been expendable. In 1924 during a debate on unemployment in Leinster House the Cumann na nGaedheal Minister for Industry and Commerce Patrick McGilligan suggested that: “There are certain limited resources at our disposal. People may have to die in this country. And may have to die of starvation.”

This budget represents the beginning of a much wider agenda. Over the coming three years the Dublin government is proposing to impose additional cuts in the range of €11billion (£9.9billion). If the government is allowed to proceed with this agenda it will involve massive jobs cuts in the public sector; the imposition of domestic water charges and the privatization of a range of public services.

In addition the pay and conditions of workers across all sectors will be slashed and the minimum wage will be reduced. Indeed it won’t be long before the media starts talking up the need for ‘flexible’ work arrangements and the ‘rationalisation’ of the public sector in order to improve ‘competitiveness’.

The only way in which this agenda can be defeated is for workers and communities to organise and mobilise on the streets. This Saturday 12th December the United Alliance Against the Cuts have organised a rally commencing at 1pm on Parnell Square, Dublin. It is vital that workers and communities come together and show this government that the working class are determined to defeat their agenda.

PSNI Teaches Israel Tricks of Apartheid Trade
07/12/09

Two of the world’s most repressive police forces hooked up recently to compare notes on their ongoing operations against the suspect communities in their midst.

Nine police officers from Israel last week completed a stay in the Six Counties where they were studying how the PSNI deals with what are euphemistically called “community tensions”.

Major general Amichai Shai, who is head of the Israeli police’s human resources department, said the visit to occupied Ireland was very useful, particularly in developing ideas and strategies on how to deal with what British and zionist colonialists both call “minority communities”.

The PSNI and Israeli police force’s strategies against the communities that oppose their rule are well documented.

In October 2000, a month after the beginning of the second Intifada, Israeli police shot dead 13 unarmed Palestinian demonstrators in the north of the zionist state. Over the last number of the months, the Israeli police have continued evicting Palestinian families from their homes in east Jerusalem, viciously attacking anyone who tries to document the legalised pogrom.

On October 25 this year, journalist Diala Jwaihan told the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights how Israeli police violently beat her and cut her clothing when she photographed an officer attacking Palestinian pensioners. Jawaihan suffered acute bruises to the neck and back and muscular strain as a result of the assault.

On July 13 this year, the PSNI opened fire with plastic bullets on a peaceful protest while forcing a sectarian march past the nationalist Ardoyne area of north Belfast (Ardoyne: In the Eye of a Sectarian Storm). At least 10 residents were injured during the assault, including a number of children.

Meanwhile, at the end of last month, the PSNI stood by and watched as a unionist mob gathered outside a Portadown pub that is frequented by catholics (PSNI Facilitating Intimidation in Portadown). Three hours of violence ensued.

éirígí general secretary Breandán Mac Cionnaith said the presence of Israeli police officers in Six Counties is further proof of the PSNI’s commitment to repression in Ireland.

Mac Cionnaith said: “There could perhaps not be a more appropriate link up than that between the PSNI and the Israeli police force.

“The Six County and Israeli states have, from their inceptions, maintained regimes of apartheid and systematic terror against the nationalist and Palestinian populations. The RUC-PSNI and the Israeli police force have been at the front line of these policies.

“While the Israeli police force spends its days evicting Palestinian families from their homes in east Jerusalem and suppressing Palestinian demonstrations, the PSNI spends its time harassing nationalists and republicans with repressive legislation and firing plastic bullets at children. Both forces are notorious human rights abusers.”

Mac Cionnaith continued: “It will be worrying for the nationalist community in the Six Counties and the Palestinian population in the zionist state that there is this level of collaboration going on between the two forces. One can only imagine that the visit amounted to an exercise in ‘I’ll show you my way to crack down on dissent if you show me yours’.

“Yet again, the nationalist members of the Six County Policing Board have shown their utter inability to have any impact on policing tactics in the North. It is business as usual for the veteran human rights abusers of the RUC.

“If this visit demonstrates anything, it is that the PSNI is as wedded to the policies of repression as ever.”

Impiriúlachas trí Ionadaí in Éirinn an Lae Inniu
30/11/09

(English version follows)

“Más mian linn an tír a athaontú creidim gur chóir dúinn dul isteach arís sa Chomhlathas Briotanach chun é sin a bhaint amach.”

Sin a dúirt Éamon Ó Cuív, aire ghnóthaí pobail, tuaithe agus Gaeltachta na Sé Chontae Fichead in athsheoladh an pháipéir Ghaeilge, Foinse Dé Céadaoin seo caite (18ú Samhain).

Tá sé scanrúil go dtacódh aon saoránach de stát atá in ainm is a bheith ardcheannasach go poiblí le hathiontráil isteach sna struchtúirí impireachta a rinne an méad sin damáiste dá dtír san am atá thart. Is iontas mór amach is amach é go ndéanfadh aire rialtais agus ball sinsearach de phairtí Poblachtánach mar a deirtear rud éigin mar sin.

Tá sé mar dhualgas ag Éamon Ó Cuív mar aire rialtais i ‘bPoblacht na hÉireann’ an status quo bunreachtúil inar toghadh é a chosaint agus seasamh leis. Ach, seo é, mar bhall de pháirtí Poblachtánach mar a fhógraíonn siad, ag rá go gcreideann sé gur chóir d’Éirinn san iomlán athiontráil a dhéanamh ar eagras stát lena bhfuil monarc neamhthofa mar cheannaire chun cuma aontais náisiúnta a bhaint amach.

Tá tuairim ag Ó Cuív ar an gceist seo; in 1994, mhol garmhac Éamon de Valera go ndéanfaí na Sé Chontae Fichead athnaisc leis an gComhlathas Briotánach mar bhac ar aontachtachas.

Bheadh sé doshamhlaithe d’aire rialtais seirbhíseach in aon áit eile ar domhan argóint gur chóir don stát ina bhfuil sé ag seirbheáil a bheith géiliúil do cheann eile.

Áfach, níl rud ar bith le rá ag an rialtas 26 Contae, páirtí Fhianna Fáil, ná ag na meáin faoi ráiteas gáifeach Uí Chuív.

Le haghaidh poblachtánaigh sóisialacha, tá foinsí de leithéid ráiteis soiléir. Bhí Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta, Comhaontú Chill Rímhinn agus an próiséas síothaithe a tháinig orthu, faoi normálú a dhéanamh ar bhaint an rialtais Bhriotanaigh in Éirinn. Bhí tréigean Altanna 2 & 3 ó bhunreacht na 26 Contae, ainneoin a luach reitriciúil amháin, faoin normálú seo a réiteach dóibh.

Le blianta fada, tá daoine cantalacha, frithghníomhaithe dígeanna agus roinnt aontachtaithe den chineál bunaíochta deisceartach, ag moladh bearta cosúil le hathiontráil na 26 Contae isteach sa Chomhlathas Briotanach. Thug 20 bliain de normalú fhorghabháil na Breataine cuma mheasúil do na moltaí frith-daonlathacha seo agus ligeann sé d’airí rialtais Bhaile Átha Cliath iad a chur chun cinn gan a bheith eaglach faoi fhritonn ar bith.

In agallamh in 1999, thaispeáin feachtasóir ársa poblachtánach sóisialach, Bernadette McAliskey é seo maidir leis na bunaíochtaí polaitiúla, ó thuaidh agus ó theas: “Ní bheadh ionadh orm dá aththachtaigh muid Acht an Aontais i gceann roinnt blianta agus feiceann muid an deisceart ag dul ar ais isteach sa Chomhlathas Briotánach, agus beidh siad go léir ina n-airí faoin gcoróin.”

Sna Sé Chontae, áfach, tá baint na Breataine in Éirinn chomh mínormálta agus mioscaiseach is a bhí riamh. Mar a thug éirígí tuairisc ar cheanna (PSNI Repression on the Rise), tá an PSNI ag stopadh agus ag cuardú thart ar 110 duine gach lá faoi reachtaíocht diansmachtúil, tá MI5 ag dul thar fóir agus tá ar a laghad reisimint amháin d’arm na Breataine réidh le haghaidh cogaidh. Díreach i rith na seachtaine seo, admhaíodh gur oibrigh an Special Reconnaissance Regiment go dlúth leis an PSNI in oibríocht faoi cheilt i bhFear Manach an Sathairn seo caite inar scaoil fórsaí na forghabhála urchair.

San am ina bhfuil Poblachtánaigh Éireannacha cúisithe go seasta toisc nach bhfuil malairt acu ar an status quo, tá sé do-chreidte polaiteoir sinsireach a chloisteáil ag moladh go réiteodh iarratas ceansa i slí éigin athiontráil a dhéanamh ar ‘clann náisiúin’ na Breataine fadhb ársa de chur faoi chois an stáit Bhriotánach agus bearta scar is trescair. Go réalaíoch, is coiscéim siar é beart den saghas seo do dhaonlathas agus dul chun cinn in Éirinn.

Cinnte, níl Éamon Ó Cuív ina aonar ag caitheamh i ndiaidh feisteis impireachta duine éigin eile atá imithe le fada. Ar an Déardaoin (Samhain 26), rinne ambasadóir na Breataine i mBaile Átha Cliath, Julian King, ‘Ceannfort ar impireacht na Breataine’ (CBE) de iar-ghobhornóir Bhanc na hÉireann, Laurence Crowley.

Dúirt Crowley go raibh sé ‘bródúil’ mar “seasann sé do gach rud atá go maith faoin gcaidreamh Thuaidh-Theas agus na dlúth-nascanna idir an RA agus Éire.”

An fíor rud a sheasann Crowley do ná ábaltacht i measc bunaíochta pholaitiúil, eacnamaíochta agus chultúrtha an stáit 26 Contae gan an bád a luascadh nó gan labhairt amach i gcoinne críochdheighilte, forghabháil mhíleata agus cur i bhfeidhm stáit apartheid ag rialtas na Breataine sa Tuaisceart.

Cabhraíonn leasaí aicme cómónta an stáit 26 contae agus bunaíochtaí Briotánacha le difríochtaí beaga a mbeadh acu a réiteach agus ligeaint do choincheapa ar nós dul isteach sa chomhlathas a bhunú.

Bheadh Laurence Crowley, mar shampla, áthasach le cinneadh na seachtaine seo ag Ard-Chúirt na Breataine ag ligeaint do bhancanna leanúint ar aghaidh ag amhantraigh agus ag brabúsaíocht, ag dushaothrú gnáth chustaiméirí, chun a socruithe fabhracha a fhóirdheonú dá gcliaint gnó saibhre.

Ag am ina raibh grúpa frithghníomhaithe Éireannacha eile ag iarraidh leasaí Briotánacha in Éirinn a chosaint, thug poblachtánach sóisialach Liam Mellows faoi deara gur sheas Poblacht na hÉireann do leasaí saothar agus an lucht oibre, fad is a sheasann an saorstát ar son chaipitil agus dúshaothrú.

Tá taobh roghnaithe acu siúd a bhíonn ag brionglóid faoin ‘gComhlathas’ agus faoi dhuaiseanna agus cuairteanna ríoga, caithfidh an chuid eile dúinn argóint ar son na Poblachta

Imperialism by Proxy in Modern Day Ireland
30/11/09

“Más mian linn an tír a athaontú creidim gur chóir dúinn dul isteach arís sa Chomhlathas Briotanach chun é sin a bhaint amach.” [“If we wish to reunite the country I believe we have to go into the British Commonwealth again to achieve that.”]

So said Éamon Ó Cuív, the Twenty-Six County minister for community, rural and gaeltacht affairs, in the relaunch of the Irish language newspaper Foinse last Wednesday [November 18].

That any citizen of a supposedly sovereign state would publicly advocate re-entering the structures of an empire that had done so much damage to their nation in the past is startling enough. That a government minister and senior member of the so-called Republican Party would do so is, frankly, jaw dropping.

Éamon Ó Cuív as a government minister in the ‘Republic of Ireland’ has an obligation to defend and uphold the constitutional status quo he was elected into. Yet, here he is, as a member of a self-proclaimed republican party no less, stating his belief that Ireland as a whole should re-enter an organisation of states that has an unelected monarch at its head in order to gain some semblance of national unity.

Ó Cuív has form on this issue; in 1994, the grandson of Éamon de Valera proposed that the Twenty-Six Counties rejoin the British Commonwealth as a sop to unionism.

It would be unimaginable for a serving government minister in any other part of the world to argue for the state he was elected to serve to become subservient to another.

However, neither the Twenty-Six County government, the Fianna Fáil party, nor the media has had anything to say about Ó Cuív’s sensational statement.

For socialist republicans, the origins of such statements are clear. The Good Friday Agreement, the St Andrew’s Agreement and the pacification process that led to them were about normalising the British government’s involvement in Ireland. The dropping of Articles 2 & 3 from the Twenty-Six County Constitution, despite their purely rhetorical value, was about facilitating this normalisation.

For decades, cranks, died-in-the-wool reactionaries and a smattering of southern establishment-type unionists have been proposing measures such as the Twenty-Six Counties rejoining the British Commonwealth. Two decades of normalising the British occupation has given these anti-democratic proposals a veneer of respectability and allows Dublin government ministers to promote them unafraid of any backlash.

In an interview in 1999, the veteran socialist republican and civil rights campaigner Bernadette McAliskey made this point in relation the political establishments, north and south: “I would not even be surprised if some years down the line, we re-enact the Act of Union and we see the south going back into the commonwealth, and they will all be ministers under the crown.”

In the Six Counties, however, Britain’s involvement in Ireland remains as abnormal and nasty as ever. As reported previously by éirígí (PSNI Repression on the Rise), the PSNI is stopping & searching an average of 110 people every day under repressive legislation, MI5 spooks are going into overdrive and at least one British army regiment is back on a war footing. Only this week, it was admitted that the Special Reconnaissance Regiment worked hand-in-glove with the PSNI in an undercover operation in Fermanagh last Saturday which culminated in a number of shots being fired by the occupation forces.

At a time when Irish republicans are consistently accused of having no alternative to the status quo, it is astonishing to hear a senior politician suggesting that a meek request to re-enter Britain’s ‘family of nations’ would somehow solve the centuries-old problem of British state repression and divide and conquer tactics. In reality, such a move would be a backward step for democracy and progress in Ireland.

Of course, Éamon Ó Cuív is not alone in hankering after the trappings of someone else’s long-gone empire. On Thursday [November 26], the former governor of the Bank of Ireland, Laurence Crowley, was made a ‘Commander of the British Empire’ [CBE] by the British ambassador in Dublin Julian King.

King said Crowley was ‘honoured’ because he “epitomises all that is good about North-South relations and the close links between the UK and Ireland”.

What Crowley really “epitomises” is an ability among the political, economic and cultural establishment of the Twenty-Six County state not to rock the boat or speak out in the face of partition, a military occupation and the imposition of an apartheid state by the British government in the North.

The common class interests of the Twenty-Six County and British establishments help to smooth over any small differences they may have and allow notions such as joining the Commonwealth to take root.

Laurence Crowley, for example, would have been delighted by this week’s decision by the British Supreme Court to allow banks to continue speculating and profiteering off the backs of ordinary customers in order to subsidise its preferential arrangements for wealthy and business clients.

At a time when another group of Irish reactionaries were trying to protect British interests in Ireland, the socialist republican Liam Mellows noted simply that the Irish Republic stands for the interests of labour and the working class, while the Free State stands for the protection of capital and exploitation.

Those who dream of the ‘Commonwealth’ and royal awards and visits have chosen their side, the rest of us must make the argument for the Republic.

Public Servants take to the Picket Lines
24/11/09

Around a quarter of a million workers took to picket lines across the Twenty-Six Counties today [Tuesday] as public sector staff struggle to protect their pay and conditions.

Nurses, teachers, firefighters, civil servants and other workers all joined the stoppage in protest against plans to cut €1.3 billion from the public pay bill in the state.

A decision on a second stage of industrial action is expected to be announced by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions soon, which could involve a rolling series of regional stoppages or a further, state-wide 24-hour strike.

Firefighters were the first to go on strike at midnight, while hundreds of primary school teachers marched to the Twenty-Six County Department of Education headquarters at Marlborough Street in Dublin later in the morning.

éirígí chairperson Brian Leeson stated the party’s support for the massive strike.

“The public sector staff who are today on picket lines around the Twenty-Six Counties deserve the support of every other working person,” he said.

“Ordinary workers should not be expected to take pay cuts while bankers and business men and women are allowed to ring fence their extortionate profits.

“The inequalities in Irish society are growing not decreasing – the disparity in income between the rich and the rest of us has continued to rise over the last 20 years. Why is it then that those who benefited the least from the recent economic boom are those who are expected to pay for the bust?”

Leeson also hit out at the business organisations who have been attempting to sow discord between public and private sector workers in recent days.

Employers groups such as IBEC and the ISME have labeled today’s strike as “disgraceful”, “unacceptable” and “selfish”, while urging the Dublin government “not to concede an inch” to public sector workers.

Leeson said: “This strike is not only about protecting the pay and conditions of those who work in the public sector. It is about defending the public services that we all rely on. It is about getting those who are behind this economic crisis to shoulder their responsibility for it.

“It is only logical that the leaders of the business class will attempt to foster resentment among private sector workers against the public service staff taking strike action today. But, if the business class and the right-wing politicians get their way, it won’t be their families waiting in ever longer queues in public hospitals or their children getting taught in ever more dilapidated public schools – it will be the families and children of both public and private sector workers who will have to endure these conditions.

“Now is the time for solidarity among all working people – that is the only way that the attacks on our living standards can be thwarted.”

Plight of Palestine Raised in Dublin
18/11/09


More than 100 people, including a dozen éirígí activists, gathered in Dublin city centre last Saturday [November 14] to highlight the nightmare the Palestinian people are living through.

Called by the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign, the demonstration was part of week of events that took place across the country to display solidarity with the Palestinian struggle.

éirígí spokesperson Daithí Mac An Mháistír said it was important that international opinion was brought to bear on the Israeli government and its backers.

“There are many small ways in which people across Ireland can practically support the people of Palestine in their struggle for self-determination and human rights. Firstly, attending demonstration like Saturday’s is an important public display of solidarity. Another, crucial step, is for all of us to boycott Israeli goods.



“The boycott of South African goods played an important role in the defeat of apartheid. Equally, an effective boycott today could help to defeat zionist apartheid in Palestine.

“People should also write letters to newspapers pointing out the reality of life under Israeli occupation, challenge misinformation, organise public meetings and film showings in their communities and consider fundraising for aid to alleviate the siege of the Gaza Strip.”



Mac An Mháistír concluded: “The millions upon millions of people around the world who care about human rights can help the Palestinian people defeat the Israeli occupation – that is why Saturday’s demonstration was so important.”

PSNI Repression on the Rise

16/11/09


The PSNI’s increasing reliance on the tactics of repression was highlighted yesterday [Sunday] when the force put in place a massive operation to deal with a sponsored walk on Belfast’s Black Mountain.

The walk was organised by éirígí activists to raise funds for the party and included a short demonstration and speech at a British military communications post on the mountain, which is on the outskirts of west Belfast.



However, as the 30 or so éirígí members and supporters were finishing their hike they were met by no less than seven armoured PSNI jeeps, two helicopters, 30 PSNI riot personnel and a number of unmarked cars.

The thugs in uniform proceeded to search, question and film those who were on the walk, as well as many bystanders who were out enjoying the winter sunshine on what is National Trust land.

Along with the adults searched at the scene, the PSNI also felt the need to search a child’s pram. At no stage did the officers involved explain what exactly it was they were looking for.

The scale of the operation caused a stir at the near-by Lámh Dhearg GAA pitch, where spectators had gathered to watch a football game, and resulted in many residents phoning a local newsroom to report the PSNI activity.




Amazingly, when contacted by journalists, the PSNI denied they had stopped or searched anyone on the Black Mountain.

The PSNI’s over-kill came only days after it was revealed that there were more than 12,000 stop & search incidents in the Six Counties under the British government’s ‘Terrorism Act’ and ‘Justice & Security Act’ between July and September this year.

éirígí general secretary Breandán Mac Cionnaith said: “The most recent figures on PSNI stop & search operations reveal a dramatic rise. This will be very worrying for the nationalist communities who have traditionally borne the brunt of British state repression.

“The figures on stop & search between July and September are three times the number for the previous quarter – this works out at an average of 110 stop & search operations every day.



“This is the reality of policing in the Six Counties. It is one that is far removed from what was promised by the nationalist parties who took the decision to endorse the PSNI.”

Mac Cionnaith continued: “These figures clearly show that the PSNI is not a civic police service – it is a politically-motivated paramilitary force, funded and armed by the British government for the purpose of protecting the occupation of the Six Counties.

“When it comes to policing nationalist communities, the PSNI’s idea of what is acceptable constitutes harassment on a massive scale, the firing of plastic bullets, raids and the use of CS gas and Tasers.

“However, it will soon become obvious to them that any amount of harassment will not deter éirígí activists from opposing the British occupation.”

Why You Should Join a Trade Union

14/11/09

In the corporate media of late, the subject that has been pursued with great zeal is that of union bashing.

Of course, it has been the same old story for the past 30 to 40 years but, now, as recession grips the whole country, the black propaganda machine has gone into overdrive. It may be asked why the establishment has upped the ante in its open warfare against the trade union movement in what is a critical economic period for Ireland.

The answer is simple; the unions are probably the only mass movement left to protect workers’ rights in light of the fact that workers have no representatives worth talking about in either Leinster House or Britain’s Stormont administration.

Trade union membership has been in steady decline in Ireland for approximately 20 years, mainly in the private sector, due to a number of factors, not least the so-called social partnership process having a pacifying effect on union activity.

In the early ’90s, the Twenty-Six County economy started to grow at an unprecedented rate and the prospect of full employment was being declared at every opportunity. The myth was repeated over and over again that the economic good times were here to stay and wages would continue to forge ahead. Business leaders done their damnedest to convince private sector workers that unions were an unnecessary hangover from a past of social conflict. Many swallowed the lie.

A prime example of private sector workers realising the predicament they were in without union representation was the workers of Anglo-Irish Bank.

The bosses in AIB always boasted of the lack of a union presence on the floors of their beloved bank. The workers were apparently happy with their lot while the bosses were upstairs gambling away the future of their staff. When the bank collapsed, the workers flooded into the ranks of the IBOA but, it was too late, the bank had been sold down the river. If there had been a union organised on the shop floors of AIB, some of the damage done may have been prevented before it came to pass, but that will always be a what if story.

There is a constant media focus on dividing the public and private sector workers and the reason is simple. The corporate media is run by the business class – it is in their interest to divide and conquer workers lest they feel the personal pinch due to an organised workforce.

What is most damaging to workers is division and that is exactly what the governments in power in Ireland and the corporate media are trying to ferment amongst staff in the private and public sector.

There are workers in the private sector who have lost their jobs, while others have taken pay cuts, who are now being encouraged to take pot shots at public service workers who face a similar plight.

The real enemy of both private and public sector workers, of course, is the small class of super rich – 1 per cent of the population - who control 40 per cent of the wealth. There are billions upon billions of euros of profits, made during the Celtic Tiger period by working people, that remain in the coffers of this coterie of legal gangsters. Despite the corporate cries for ordinary workers to take a hit, these billions will not be shared with the nation in its time of need.

The reason the likes of Michael O’Leary fear unions is not because they slow down progress within their companies but because they are a threat to the enormous profits they makes off the backs of their workers.

Trade unions in Ireland and elsewhere are far from perfect. Many people would be correct in saying that the present leaders of the unions in Ireland are far from inspiring. One of the progressive developments Ireland is in need of is a renewed and larger trade union movement and, with that, fresh leadership. At the present moment, the political establishment pays lip service to the unions; the power, wealth and common interests of the business class and most politicians combine to ensure that. If, however, there was a strong and cohesive union movement with a passionate, politically radical leadership, the establishment would have to take note of what the majority of workers are saying throughout the country.

The problems associated with joining a union in the private sector are well documented. These include promotions being denied and prospective union members being verbally abused and intimidated by their employers. However, individuals within any company are easy pickings for employers so long as they remain just individuals. Workers organised into a union are a different matter altogether.

The law with regards employment within the European Union may appear to hold out some hope for workers but, if you find yourself at opposing ends to your employer as an individual, it is a David and Goliath battle. The employers have the best access to the best employment lawyers that money can buy, individuals do not. However, when an individual joins a union, employers would have second thoughts about walking all over employment rights.

It should always be remembered that a union is not there to make a profit. Unlike employers, it is there to protect its memberships’ employment rights and to obtain a decent day’s pay for decent day’s work.

Workers in every facet of the economy should be organised in trade unions. Employers and their political allies have, yet again, effectively declared war on working people. It is time the majority organised in defence on their own interests, as James Connolly said: “We are many, they are few”.

Thousands Attend Day of Action

10/11/09

Over 100,000 workers took to the streets across Ireland on Friday [November 6] in a mass display of discontent with the policies of the Six and Twenty-Six County administrations.

Among the marchers were many éirígí activists, who took part in the Belfast, Cork, Dublin, Enniskillen and Sligo demonstrations.




The message sent out on the day was a militant one, with speakers warning that workers would not long carry the can for the failures of the business class and the political establishment.

In Dublin’s Merrion Square, SIPTU president Jack O’Connor said the labour movement in Ireland had always been asked to have regard for the “national interest” while the Twenty-Six County government made “a dog’s dinner of it”.



“What’s actually happening is that they’ve confused the national interest with the interest of the better off and the well-to-do and that’s a tragedy,” O’Connor continued.

At Belfast City Hall, UNISON’S Patricia McKeown warned workers that the next time they gather it would be on official strike action.



Further action was also promised by many other speakers. In Limerick, Mike McNamara, the president of the Council of Trade Unions in the city, said: “People don’t have any other choice at this stage. They are faced with this challenge that most people never had to face before and, when all other tactics have been used in the past like going into partnership, going into normal dispute mechanisms, in extraordinary times we just have to resort to revolutionary procedures to get what we want off the government.”

Speaking after he attended the Dublin demonstration, éirígí chairperson Brian Leeson noted that Friday’s strong turn-out was a warning to those who wanted to implement cuts in public services, jobs and pay.



“It is clear from attendances at rallies across the country that there a lot of angry people in Ireland at the minute.

“They are angry that, as workers, they are being forced to make the sacrifices for the abject failure of the business class and the political establishment. They are angry that their jobs are on the line, their pay is under threat and their conditions are under question because a small group of wealthy people squandered the wealth that was created by working people.



“They are angry that the public services on which they and their families rely are criminally under funded and facing further financial deficits because the governments that misrule this country would rather bailout bankers and glorified gamblers.

“They are angry that northing is being done about the spiraling rates of unemployment, while multinational companies are allowed to flee the country with the financial incentives that were gifted to them by compliant government bodies.



“In the time ahead, this anger must be channeled into an organised movement for the defence of public services, jobs, pay and conditions. Out of this anger should also come an alternative vision of how the Irish economy should be run – an alternative that places the public interests ahead of private greed.”

Leeson concluded: “Union leaders have put down a marker by indicating that mass action by workers is the way forward – they must not retreat from this marker.”