Dé Máirt, Meitheamh 29, 2010

Cá bhFuil Ár Scoil?

29/06/2010

(English version follows)

Chuaigh múinteoirí, teaghlaigh agus tacadóirí le páistí ó Scoil na Fuiseoige in iarthar Bhéal Feirste inné [Dé Luain] chuig agóid ag Stormont faoin diúltú leanúnach d’áiseanna scoile cuí.

Bhí imeachtaí ar siúl ag na páistí ar fhearann riarachán coilíneach na Breataine ag ceiliúradh na n-éachtaí s’acu le ocht mbliana déag anuas i gcoinníollacha atá ag dul in olcas agus atá cáinte ag sraith cigireachta.

Bunaíodh Scoil na Fuiseoige i gCill Uaighe i mBéal Feirste in 1992, ag glacadh inspioráide ón stailceoir ocrais agus díograiseoir Gaeilge, Bobby Sands, a raibh cónaí air i gCill Uaighe. Lonnaithe ar dtús i mbotháin shoghluaiste, nuair a bhain an scoil aitheantas oifigiúil amach in 1997 rinne roinn oideachais na Sé Chondae, faoi aire riail dírí na Breataine an tráth sin, rinne siad plean chun foirgneamh ceart scoile a thógáil a bheadh oiriúnach don fheidhm.

In 2005, chuir roinn oideachais na Sé Chondae, arís faoi aire riail dírí na Breataine, chuir siad an scoil isteach ina gclár Capital New Starts, rud ar chóir go gcinnteodh tógáil áiseanna nua-aimseartha. Inniu áfach, trí bliana déag ónar tugadh an gealltanas, tá glúin reatha na ndaltaí i Scoil na Fuiseoige go fóill sna botháin chéanna.

Iad as a ndóchas mar gheall ar an easpa dul chun cinn ar an cheist, chuaigh ionadaithe na scoile i dteagmháil le haire oideachais Stormont reatha, Caitríona Ruane, agus sa deireadh fuair siad dearbhú uaithi go mbeadh an obair déanta agus críochnaithe faoi thús na scoilbhliana seo caite, Meán Fómhair 2009.

Déardaoin seo caite [24ú Meitheamh], fuair an scoil amach gur cuireadh an tógáil ar an mhéar fhada arís eile. Ag trácht ar an scéal seo, dúirt an príomhoide Eilís Uí Néill: “Is maolaisnéis ollmhór í a rá go bhfuil tógáil nua ina riachtanas soiléir dúinn. Tá an foirgneamh reatha ag titim anuas orainn. Is guais sláinte agus sábháilteachta é. Níl na botháin shoghluaiste oiriúnach don fheidhm. Níor chóir go mbeadh ar dhuine ar bith fulaingt faoi gach ar fhulaing muidne le breis agus deich mbliana anuas. Tá sé doghlactha.”

Lean Uí Néill: “Tá an cinneadh gan dul ar aghaidh le tógáil nua Scoil na Fuiseoige in ainneoin ghealltanais fhadtréimhseacha an Roinn Oideachais ina bhuille uafásach don phobal scoile ina iomláine.”

Dúirt urlabhraí Gaeilge éirígí Ursula Ní Shionnain: “Ar dtús, ní mór an fhoireann go léir ag Scoil na Fuiseoige a mholadh as an dea-obair atá déanta acu le beagnach fiche bliain anois ag soláthar ardchaighdeán Gaeloideachais i gcoinníollacha fíordheacra.

“Tá Cill Uaighe ar na ceantair is díothaithe ar fud na Sé Chondae, a rinne rialtas na Breataine agus comhairle aontachtach Lios na gCearrbhach leatrom air le fada an lá. Tá roinn oideachais Stormont ag leanúint leis an pholasaí náireach sin inniu.

“Ní beag an tionchar dearfach atá ag Scoil na Fuiseoige, agus an naíscoil agus ionadh teaghlaigh tadhlacha, ar an cheantar. Éilíonn cumas na Gaelscoile freastal ar an phobal áitiúil ar bhealach níos cumsithí trí thógáil áiseanna cuí go dtéann an tógáil ríthábhachtach seo ar aghaidh.”

Lean Ní Shionnain: “Mura ndéantar an obair san am amach romhainn, beidh na páistí ag dul isteach sa scoil don chéad uair an Meán Fómhair beag seo daortha chuig na botháin lofa chéanna a fhad agus atá siad ag freastal ar an scoil.

“Caithfear brú a chur ar roinn oideachais Stormont glacadh le ciall ar an cheist, agus tábhacht infheistíochta i dtodhchaí ár bpáistí a aithint.”


Cá bhFuil Ár Scoil?


Children from Scoil na Fuiseoige in west Belfast were joined by teachers, families and supporters yesterday [Monday] for a protest at Stormont over the continued denial of proper school facilities.

The children held a number of events on the grounds of Britain’s colonial administration celebrating their achievements over the past 18 years in deteriorating conditions that have been condemned by a series of inspections.

Scoil na Fuiseoige was established in the Twinbrook area of Belfast in 1992, taking its inspiration from former Twinbrook resident, hunger striker and Irish language enthusiast Bobby Sands. Having initially been based in prefab mobile huts, when the school achieved official recognition in 1997 a plan was drawn up at the Six County education department, then under a British direct rule minister, to build a proper school building that would be fit for purpose.

In 2005, the Six County Department of Education, again under a British direct rule minister, included the school in its Capital New Starts programme, which should have ensured the construction of modern facilities. Today, however, 13 years since the commitment was given, the current generation of pupils at Scoil na Fuiseoige are still in the same mobile huts.

Frustrated by the lack of progress on the issue, representatives of the school contacted current Stormont education minister Caitríona Ruane and eventually received assurances from her that the work would be done and completed by the beginning of the last school year, September 2009.

Last Thursday [June 24], the school found out that the new build had been indefinitely postponed yet again. Commenting on this news, principal Eilís Uí Néill said: “To say that we have a demonstrated need for a new build is a massive understatement. The current building is literally collapsing around us. It is a health and safety hazard. The portable cabins are not fit for purpose. No one should have to endure what we have had to put up with for the past decade and more. It is not acceptable.

Uí Néill continued: “The decision not to go forward with Scoil na Fuiseoige’s new build despite the Department of Education’s long standing commitments and promises is a devastating blow to our whole school community.”

éirígí Irish language spokesperson Ursula Ní Shionnain said: “Firstly, all the staff at Scoil na Fuiseoige must be commended for the good work they have done for almost 20 years now in providing a high standard of Irish medium education in very difficult circumstances.

“Twinbrook is one of the most deprived areas in the whole of the Six Counties, having been discriminated against for far too long by the British government and the unionist Lisburn council. The Stormont department of education is today continuing with that shameful policy.

“Scoil na Fuiseoige, and the adjoining naíscoil and family centre, have had an enormously positive impact on the area. The potential of the Gaelscoil to serve the local community more fully through the construction of proper facilities demands that this vitally important construction go ahead.”

Ní Shionnain continued: “If the work is not done in the near future, then the children entering the scoil for the first time this coming September will be condemned to the same rotting mobiles as long as they attend the school.

“Pressure must be brought to bear on the Stormont education department to see sense on the issue, and to recognise the importance of investment in our children’s futures.”



Dé Luain, Meitheamh 28, 2010


éirígí Slam Latest Jailing of Shell to Sea Campaigner Maura Harrington

28/06/2010

Shell to Sea and Human Rights activist Maura Harrington was arrested Friday (June 25) as she left a funeral in Doohama, Co Mayo. She was detained for non-payment of fines relating to her involvement in protests against Shell's planned pipeline and the giveaway of our natural resources.

She was brought to Belmullet Garda station and then on to Mountjoy prison that evening. A demonstration organised by Shell to Sea took place outside the prison that same evening at 7.30PM.


Maura has on a number of occasions previously been arrested and jailed as a result of her unwillingness to bow to Shell law in north Mayo. Her most recent detention in Mountjoy was only last December.


Other Shell to Sea and human rights activists, Pat 'the chief' O'Donnell and Niall Harnett are also currently serving sentences in Castlerea prison as a result of their resistance to Shell.

Condemning the latest arrest and jailing of Maura, éirígí Sligeach activist Gerry Casey said that the timing of her arrest was deliberate and designed to assist Shell who are to resume work in north Mayo in the coming days.


Casey said: “The arrest and imprisonment of Maura Harrington once again is despicable but not surprising. The timing of her arrest is also no coincidence.”

He added: “Once more, the Gardai are doing the dirty work of Shell. As with the jailing of Maura on previous occasions, and with Pat O'Donnell and Niall Harnett both of whom remain in Castlerea Prison, removing key activists opposed to Shell's pipeline and the giveaway of hundreds of billions of euro worth of natural resources, is a deliberate tactic used by the Gardai to assist Shell.”


“In this instance, Shell are to resume work on their project in a number of days. Quite clearly Maura was removed at Shell's behest in an attempt to lessen legitimate protest against their activities.”

"It is a testament to Maura's steely determination that Shell and the Gardai feel the need to target her for intimidation, assault and arrest and feel the need to remove her from Mayo in order to force this dangerous pipeline through. She has been a consistent thorn in their side and has refused to bow down or be bought off despite everything that Shell and all arms of the state have thrown at her on Shell's behalf."

“Maura's only crime is to stand up to injustice, to stand up for the safety of the people of north Mayo and to resist giving the Irish nations vast wealth to private companies, wealth that could be utilised to reverse cutbacks, increase living standards for all and to provide efficient health and education serevices for all.”



He concluded: “It is not Maura that should be in jail. It is the bankers, the developers and the politicians that brought this country to its knees, that squandered and pilfered the wealth created by workers and that created the worst recession seen by this state, that should be in Mountjoy tonight and for a long time to come. Maura Harrington, and her colleagues in Castlerea prison, should be released immediately.”



Dé Domhnaigh, Meitheamh 27, 2010

Successful Protest at Belfast City Hall

27/06/10

The PSNI were forced to watch impotently from the sidelines yesterday [Saturday] as éirígí held a well-attended anti-British Armed Forces Day picket at Belfast City Hall.

Last June, PSNI riot squads hemmed peaceful protestors into the Castle Street area when they attempted to make their way to City Hall to oppose the triumphalist celebration. However, this year, the best efforts of dozens of PSNI landrovers and scores of political police, as well as attempted intimidation by unionist elements, could not prevent around 100 republicans coming from across Belfast to the éirígí-organised demonstration.

Once at City Hall, the republicans, among them many young people, former political prisoners and victims of state violence, were addressed by John McCusker, the chairperson of éirígí’s ciorcal in west Belfast.

McCusker pointed out that, while the British government has now designated June 26 as ‘Armed Forces Day’, families across the Six Counties and beyond are living with the fact that nobody has ever been held to account for the state killings of their loved ones.

He also stated that what we are seeing is just the beginning of éirígí’s campaign for a British withdrawal.

Afterwards, éirígí chairperson Brian Leeson said: “Today, the inability of the PSNI to permanently prevent the right to protest was witnessed. All those who made their way to Belfast City Hall are to be commended for upholding this fundamental right in the face of a major attempt at mass intimidation.

“The British government and its agencies of occupation should take note that significant numbers of nationalists and republicans are once again prepared to defy their thugs in uniform in pursuance of the national independence struggle. These numbers will only grow in the time ahead.”



Déardaoin, Meitheamh 24, 2010

Cur in aghaidh Lá Fhórsaí Míleata na Breataine

24/06/2010

(English version follows)

Ghlaoigh urlabhraí éirígí Thír Chonaill Mícheál Cholm Mac Giolla Easbuig i gcomhair cur in éadan forleathan in aghaidh Lá Fhórsaí Míleata na Breataine, atá le bheith ar siúl Dé Sathairn an 26ú Meitheamh 2010.


Bhí sé ag labhairt i mbéal an imeachta atá chun a bheith ar siúl, mar a deireann Arm na Breataine, “chun Fórsaí Míleata na Breataine a cheiliúradh agus a onórú.” Chun an t-imeacht a mharcáil i mbliana ardófar brat Fhórsaí Míleata na Breataine os cionn Halla Cathrach Bhéal Feirste agus beidh leirsiú in aghaidh marcála an lae ar siúl taobh amuigh Dé Sathairn ag a 12 tráthnóna.

Dúirt an tUasal Mac Giolla Easbuig, “Tá sé draosta imeacht mar seo fiú a mholadh in Éirinn, fiú fós sna sé chontae forghafa sa Tuaisceart, le cuntas teiste scanrúil agus fada airm na Breataine ar a gcóir ar mhuintir na hÉireann.”

“Díreach an tseachtain seo caite chonaiceamar foilsiú fiosrúcháin Saville a bhfaca bunaíocht na Breataine ag admháil na fírinne faoin ionsaí fíochmhar ar léirsitheoirí chearta sibhialta neamhurchóirdeacha i Mí Eanáir 1972 nuair a dhúnmharaigh Arm pearsanra na Breataine 14 sibhialtach gan arm i nDoire, agus fós creideann siad gur fiú onóir a thabhairt don fhórsa seo,” dúirt sé.


“Ní teagmhais aon uaire déanta ag Arm na Breataine iad na teagmhais seo. Ach míonna roimhe, dhúnmharaigh an reisimint chéanna a rinne an sléacht ar Dhomhnach na Fola 11 sibhialtach sagart san áireamh i mBaile Uí Mhurchú, Béal Feirste. Níos lú ná cúig mhí tar éis Domhnaigh na Fola, rinne saighdiúirí Briotánacha sléacht ar chúigear sibhialtach eile i gCnoc na Foinse, iarthar Bhéal Feirste, beirt pháiste san áireamh. Thóg siad an t-iompar sádach céanna a chothaigh siad in Éirinn ar fud an domhain leo. Chuaigh siad as a gcrann cumhachta san Iaráic agus leanann siad ar aghaidh á dhéanamh san Afganastáin inniu.”

Chríochnaigh sé, “Is masla é do theaghlaigh iad siúd a mharaigh siad tríd glúine de riail impiriúlach ar fud an domhain agus anseo in Éirinn, Lá Fhórsaí Míleata na Breataine a chur ar siúl. Tá sé beartaithe go gcuirfidh an léirsiú i mBéal Feirste Dé Sathairn teachtaireacht shoiléir chuig na fórsaí míleata Briotánacha nach bhfuil aon chúis bhróid acu agus is brúidiúlacht é le cúis náire dóibh. Spreagfainn gach duine atá in aghaidh impiriúlachas iarracht a dhéanamh dul go Béal Feirste agus a ndéistin a thaispeáint don fhórsa míleata brúidiúil seo. Ba chóir Arm na Breataine a cháineadh de bharr an bhrúidiúlacht a rinne siad thar na blianta agus a leanann siad á dhéanamh inniu, agus is am foirfe é an Sathairn guth a thabhairt don cháineadh sin agus teachtaireacht shoiléir a chuir chuig bunaíocht na Breataine nach bhfuil fáilte roimh a láithreacht anseo in Éirinn.”


Oppose British Armed Forces Day

Spokesperson for éirígí Tir Chonaill, Micheál Cholm Mac Giolla Easbuig, has called for for widespread opposition to British Armed Forces Day, which is due to be held on Saturday 26th June 2010.


He was speaking in the lead up to the event which is to be held to, as the British army say, “celebrate and honour the British Armed Forces”. This year to mark the event the flag of the British Armed Forces will be raised above Belfast City Hall and a demonstration against the marking of the day is due to be held outside it this Saturday at 12 noon.

Mr Mac Giolla Easbuig said, “It is obscene to even suggest holding such an event in Ireland, even in the still occupied six counties of the North, given the British army's appalling and lengthy track record of its treatment of the Irish people.”

“Only last week we seen the publication of the Saville inquiry which seen the truth finally admitted by the British establishment of the horrific attack on innocent civil rights marchers in January 1972 when British army personnel murdered 14 unarmed civilians in Derry, and yet they believe this is a force worth honouring,” he said.


“Such incidents at the hands of the British army are far from one offs. Only months before, the same regiment who committed the massacre on Bloody Sunday murdered 11 civilians including a priest, in Ballymurphy, Belfast. Less than five months after Bloody Sunday, British soldiers massacred another 5 civilians in Springhill, West Belfast, including two children. And the sadistic behaviour they nurtured in Ireland they shipped world wide. They ran amok in Iraq and continue to in Afghanistan today.”

He concluded, “Holding a British Armed Forces day is an insult to the families of all those they have slaughtered through centuries of imperialist rule throughout the world and here in Ireland. The demonstration in Belfast this coming Saturday is intended to send a clear message to the British Armed forces that they have nothing to be proud of and if anything, a brutality which they should be thoroughly ashamed of. I would urge all those opposed to imperialism to make the effort to get to Belfast and show their disgust for this brutal military force. The British Army should be roundly condemned for the brutality they have carried out over the years and continue to carry out to this today, and this Saturdays protest will be the ideal time to voice that condemnation and send a clear message to the British establishment that their presence is not welcome here in Ireland.”

Dé Luain, Meitheamh 21, 2010


Repression and Resistance in the Basque Country: The youth lead the way

21/06/10

Jarrai

You can’t blame the Youth – the classic song of Reggae legend Peter Tosh – readily comes to mind when considering the inspiring struggle of the Basque youth movement. It is a momentous story of perseverance and resistance to decades of repression.

The Basque youth movement, comprising young separatists and socialists, is one that will not be blamed; no matter what the provocation, they continue their activism and remain a popular expression of the desires of Basque youth. They have not been fooled either and, while many look to accommodate themselves with the Spanish occupation, the Basque youth movement maintains a strong demand for an independent and socialist Basque Country.

The history of the movement dates back to the founding of Jarrai in 1979, a youth organisation for those who supported Basque independence and socialism. In 2000, following Jarrai’s amalgamation with Gazteriak, based in the French-occupied Basque Country, a new movement emerged under the name of Haika. Not longer after its establishment, however, the Spanish state banned Haika and arrested its leadership. In order to maintain the movement, activists replaced Haika and formed Segi, meaning ‘To Continue’. Segi, in turn, was banned and eventually, with European Union approval, all three groups were designated “terrorist organisations”.

So how did these so-called terrorists respond to this naked repression by the Spanish state? Over the years, the organisations developed from a small cadre of activists into a popular movement. In 1994, Jarrai launched its Gazte Topagunea or Youth Encounter, a festival organised at Easter where large numbers of youth gathered and participated in a wide range of activities, including rock concerts, traditional Basque culture, theatre, sport, cinema, lectures and distribution of political literature.

In turn, Haika and Segi organised the Youth Encounter and, in 2006, the event returned to Etxarri, a small village in the north of the Basque Country, where 20,000 attended under the slogan Tipi-tapa independentzian topa! – meaning ‘Step by step meet in independence!’ This bi-annual event was organised in 2008 and again this year when, despite widespread repression by the Spanish state, almost 10,000 young people participated, demonstrating the widely popular nature of the demand for independence.

2006 Youth Encounter

In the alternate years between the Youth Encounters, a march through the mountains is organised at Easter, attracting up to 3,000 activists, who, as well as experiencing the breathtaking Basque countryside, engage in nightly political discussions. Alongside these national events, the Basque youth groups campaign on a wide range of political issues and employ a wide spectrum of political campaign activity, with posters, leaflets, stickers, pickets, concerts and direct action all being utilised.

National campaigns have included support for political prisoners, promoting the Basque language, opposing state repression of political activists and popularising socialism. These issues were augmented by campaigning specifically on youth issues such as employment rights, school facilities and rent controls. All of this political campaign work is, of course, defined as “terrorist” activity by both the Spanish and French states, who are concerned that the Basque youth are mobilised and gaining significant support for their demand of self-determination.

The hounding of the leadership of Jarrai/Haika/Segi began in 2001. To date, over 40 people have been indicted and charged with serious offences linking these three organisations to ETA. It seems that the Spanish government considers mobilising for independence to be illegal. The targeting of the youth organisations has not been isolated; language activists, lawyers, journalists and publishers among others have all found that their activities considered illegal and many face long jail terms. There can, on occasion, be a surreal aspect to the attacks by the Spanish state. In May 2006, while campaigning throughout Basque Country in favour of a ‘peace process’, thousands of young Segi activists were viciously attacked by police, with many badly injured and many more arrested.

The actions of the police stretched to arrests for pasting posters or handing out leaflets. That these activities are labelled as “terrorist acts” may seem out of step with European Union ‘norms’, until you scratch under the surface in Ireland and other countries suffering from occupation. The success of Jarrai, Haika and Segi in mobilising a popular youth movement in support of Basque independence has profoundly scared the Spanish state: repression is its response. What is described here accounts for only a small portion of the daily attacks on Basque youth, an experience that involves torture, imprisonment, assault, kidnapping, surveillance and harassment.

Basque activist being arrested

In early November 2007, seven activists were arrested in Donostia, which marked the third police operation against Segi, bringing to 18 the number arrested in the autumn of that year. It was evident that the state was intent on imprisoning all of those who opposed it. The reaction of the youth in Donostia was swift, with a demonstration of 1,000 people the day after the arrests and 1,500 on the Saturday following. Barricades were built throughout the city demonstrating that the youth of the city were as determined as ever. Seven days after their arrest, the activists continued to be held in communicado with no contact with relatives or lawyers. When finally contacted, all reported brutal attacks by police interrogators.

In the last week of November ’07, the attack against Segi intensified. Seven young people were arrested in Burlata near Irunea and over a dozen premises searched. Computers and documents were seized during the searches and, very quickly, the corporate media was reporting that the seven were guilty of a total of 32 charges in relation to rioting, attacking bank premises and assaulting police. During their Spanish Special Court hearing, held in Madrid, the seven accused outlined the torture they suffered at the hands of the police – one method involved partial suffocation by placing a plastic bag over their heads. Following the arrests, the youth of Burlata mobilised and demonstrated on the streets. The protest was attacked by the police and 10 youths were arrested [four of whom were under the age of 18] and all were charged with offences ranging from vandalism to assaulting police officers.

Less than two weeks later, 15 more young Segi activists from Donostia were in custody. Eight of these were imprisoned, while the rest had to provide bail of €6,000. Following a short seasonal break for the forces of injustice, they swung back into action in the last week of January 2008, smashing in the doors of youth activists across the Basque Country. In numerous raids, eight activists were arrested and imprisoned. The following month, another six youths were arrested in Gazteiz.

After a break of two months, the towns of Oiartzun and Orereta became the latest locations for a renewed attack on the right to campaign according to your political preference. Ten youths were arrested and, in response, thousands of locals came onto the streets in protest at yet another act of political repression. Once again, the police attacked demonstrators, some of whom were savagely beaten and at least three were arrested. The police kept a large presence in the town throughout the following week and, in addition to the arrests, over 30 houses were raided and searched.

In another example of the lengths the state has been prepared to go to shut down political activity, another six Segi activists were arrested in November 2008 and three were charged with “collaboration with an armed organisation”. This charge related to the “subversive” action of putting up posters, not the first time a bucket of paste and brush have been mistaken for deadly weapons. Clearly Segi’s arsenal appears very threatening to the state because, within months, another five of the organisation’s activists were arrested for distributing leaflets.

Rally in Donostia in 2009

For over a year appeared relatively quiet until late 2009 when over 900 police officers took part in a massive operation against Segi. Over 100 premises were raided and 36 people arrested. After five days held without contact with the outside world, the activists were charged. The reports from the interrogations were shocking: in addition to suffocation, forced exercises and assaults, female activists were sexually assaulted by masked interrogators and male activists had their testicles beaten repeatedly, while guns were used to threaten those under interrogation. As news emerged of the arrests and torture, massive demonstrations were organised. Over 20,000 mobilised in Donostia alone, demonstrating that Segi and the Basque people would not lie down in the face of state repression.

Since 2001, over 200 youth activists have been arrested and imprisoned. The thousands who continue to take to the streets will continue the struggle.

Repression is not restricted to the Spanish occupied Basque Country, three of the Basque Countries seven provinces are occupied by France. Traditionally, this area was a place where activists could feel relatively safe from persecution but, from the late 1980s, the situation became more hostile. Cooperation between both states is now so close that it is not unusual to find Spanish police operating alongside French police. The position of Basque youth at the hands of the French state is almost as perilous as the Spanish state.

In early 2006, while moves were being advanced in relation to a peace initiative, the French police arrested three young people for their political activities. At the time, this along with attacks by Spanish police was identified as a deliberate attempt to provoke Basque activists and to distract them from their political programme. In November 2007, Gorka Betolaza was back in Spanish custody having being extradited by French authorities and faced the prospect of completing his sentence of six years for being a member of Segi.

A month later, in December, another two youth activists were extradited to face charges in Spain. Asier Tapia faced charges as a result of taking part in a press conference for Haika and Spanish prosecutors requested a sentence of 100 years. The other youth, Gorka Urberuaga, was charged with spraying graffiti. The French authorities clearly had no problem with this modern day Spanish inquisition.

In 2009 the French police continued to demonstrate their commitment to mirror Spanish repression. The French arrested eight young Basques and charged them with taking part in acts of sabotage. Seven were released within a few hours, while one was taken to prison to await extradition to Spain. Upon their release, the seven activists outlined that, during questioning, there was no reference to acts of sabotage; rather, they were questioned solely about political activism. In early 2010, another eight activists were arrested and charged with attacks on the offices of estate agents in the French occupied zone. Hundreds took to the streets to protest and so the cycle continues.

While these attacks are directed specifically at Segi as an organisation, they are not restricted to Segi alone. Popular websites have been closed down, community activists have been kidnapped and assaulted and young people involved in language groups and festivals have been harassed and arrested. Anything suspect in the eyes of the state is open to attack and repression.

Despite the heavy hand of the state and attempts to close down the political expression of Basque independence and socialism, it is encouraging and inspiring to report that the Basque youth refuse to surrender. Late last month, hundreds of activists paraded in Brussels to bring attention to the repression they have faced and to highlight the existence of the Basque nation. The struggle goes on.

The building of a vibrant and active youth movement in the Basque Country clearly poses a direct challenge to capitalism and imperialism. Both the Spanish and French states have attempted to crush this challenge, that they have failed is a testimony to the determination and commitment of the Basque independence and socialist youth movement.



Dé hAoine, Meitheamh 18, 2010


Cur faoi chois na gCeardchumannach ag Méadú go hIdirnáisiúnta

18/06/10


(English version follows)

ITUC

D’eisigh Cónaidhm Idirnáisiúnta na gCeardchumann [ITUC] a Suirbhé Bliantúil ar Chearta na gCeardchumann do 2009 Dé Céadaoin [9ú Meitheamh] agus is cúis chorraithe iad cuid mhaith de na torthaí.

D’aimsigh an tuairisc gur maraíodh 101 ceardchumannach in 2009, méadú 30 faoin chéad ón bhliain roimhe. Tharla 48 de na dúnmharuithe sa Cholóim, áit a bhfuil fórsaí na heite deise ábalta feidhmiú le saoirse in éadan ceardchumannach agus gníomhaíoch chearta eile. Taifeadadh breis agus 400 ionsaí ar cheardchumannaigh sa Cholóim in 2009, cúpla iarracht feallmharaithe agus trí chás de dhaoine ag imeacht as radharc.

Maraíodh ar a laghad 12 ceardchumannach i Hondúras i bhforéigean i ndiaidh an coup d’état in éadan uachtarán cléach na tíre Manuel Zelaya i mí Meithimh. Bhí seo mar chuid de thuile ionsaithe ar eagraíochtaí sóisialta a chuireann in éadan an coup d’état.

Thug an tuairisc faoi deara chomh maith go bhfuil ionsaithe ar chearta oibrithe ar fud na cruinne ina dtoradh ar an ghéarchéim eacnamúil idirnáisiúnta. Tá áirithe ag an tuairisc go bhfuil an cur faoi chois ag méadú fiú i dtíortha le gluaiseachtaí ceardchumainn atá láidir go traidisiúnta, mar shample an Fhrainc agus an Ghearmáin.

Sa Roinn ar an Bhreatain agus ar Éirinn fhorghafa, chuir an tuairisc chun suntas an cás inar chuir 14 comhlacht tógála bunachar sonraí le chéile ar breis agus 3,000 oibrí, a úsáideadh chun ceardchumannaigh agus oibrithe míleatacha eile a chur ar an liosta dubh.

D’ardaigh an tuairisc freisin fadhb leanúnach na reachtaíochta a cheadaíonn do fhostóirí aitheantas do cheardchumainn neamhspléacha a chosc i bhfabhar a ‘gcearchumainn chomhlachta’ féin.

Tá an gá le ceardchumainn neamhspleácha ag troid thar ceann an lucht oibre chomh tábhachtach anois agus a bhí riamh. Ciallaíonn an aeráid eacnamaíochta idirnáisiúnta go bhfuil eagraíochtaí ag teastáil ó oibrithe a throidfidh dá leas in éadan na ndaoine atá ciontach as an aeráid sin – lucht an rachmais.

Tugadh an gá seo chun cruinne in Éirinn le seachtain anuas, nuair a d’ainmnigh an iris Business & Finance uachtarán ginearálta SIPTU Jack O’Connor mar ‘Duine gnó na míosa’ mar gheall ar a thacaíocht do bheart Pháirc an Chrócaigh.

James Connolly

Le tuilleadh ciorrú ar an bhealach thuaidh agus theas, ní mór go dtuigeann gluaiseacht an lucht oibre eagraithe nach bhfuil leas na n-oibrithe agus na gcaipitlithe comhlántach, ach naimhdeach. Ansin seans go dtosóidh an lucht oibre an troid cheart, mar i mbriathra an Chonghailigh:

“When the worker has so far advanced as to realise that his master's interests are antagonistic to his own, that the master class use every weapon from Parliament to prison to maintain their position against what they consider the encroachment of their serfs, then we have no doubt that the next step in the intellectual development of the worker will be to consider whether it is wise to tolerate longer a class in society which requires to be watched so constantly and guarded against so vigilantly; whether there is indeed any useful function performed by the capitalist and landlord class which the organised workers cannot perform without them. Whether the ownership of property cannot be vested in the organised community, and the conduct of industry entrusted to our trade unions, who could surely furnish men who would organise production and distribution in the interests of all much better than it is at present done by a class animated solely by considerations of profit. When the logic of events forces this question on the Dublin workers as it surely will, we believe that they will not fail to answer it aright, and that the answer will be well for our hopes of a socialist republic.”

Is féidir Suirbhé Bliantúil ar Chearta na gCeardchumann de chuid ITUC a léamh ag http://survey.ituc-csi.org/

Repression Against Trade Unionists on the Rise Internationally

The International Trade Union Confederation [ITUC] released its Annual Survey of Trade Union Rights for 2009 last Wednesday [June 9] and many of the findings make for disturbing reading.

The report found that 101 trade unionists had been killed in 2009, an increase of 30 per cent on the previous year. 48 of these murders took place in Colombia, where right-wing forces can act with impunity against trade unionists and other rights activists. There were over 400 attacks on trade unionists recorded in Colombia in 2009, including several assassination attempts and three disappearances.

Manuel Zelaya

At least 12 trade unionists were killed in Honduras in violence following the coup d’etat against left-wing president Manuel Zelaya in June. This formed part of a spate of attacks on social organisations that oppose the coup.

The report also noted how the international economic crisis has led to attacks on workers’ rights around the world. The report notes that repression has been increasing even in countries with traditionally strong union movements, such as France and Germany.

In the section on Britain and occupied Ireland, the report highlighted the case of a database of over 3,000 workers compiled by 14 construction companies used to blacklist trade unionists and other militant workers.

The report also brought up the ongoing problem of legislation that allows employers to prevent recognition of independent unions in favour of their own ‘company unions’.

The need for independent trade unions fighting on behalf of the working class is as important now as it ever has been. The international economic climate means that workers need organisations that will fight for their interests against those responsible for that climate – the capitalist class.

This need has been brought into focus in Ireland in the past week, with SIPTU general president Jack O’Connor being named ‘Business person of the month’ by the Business & Finance magazine, for his support for the Croke Park deal.

With a programme of further cutbacks on the way both north and south, it is imperative that the organised labour movement realise that the interests of workers and capitalists are not complementary but antagonistic. Then the working class may begin the real fight, as in the words of James Connolly:

“When the worker has so far advanced as to realise that his master's interests are antagonistic to his own, that the master class use every weapon from Parliament to prison to maintain their position against what they consider the encroachment of their serfs, then we have no doubt that the next step in the intellectual development of the worker will be to consider whether it is wise to tolerate longer a class in society which requires to be watched so constantly and guarded against so vigilantly; whether there is indeed any useful function performed by the capitalist and landlord class which the organised workers cannot perform without them. Whether the ownership of property cannot be vested in the organised community, and the conduct of industry entrusted to our trade unions, who could surely furnish men who would organise production and distribution in the interests of all much better than it is at present done by a class animated solely by considerations of profit. When the logic of events forces this question on the Dublin workers as it surely will, we believe that they will not fail to answer it aright, and that the answer will be well for our hopes of a socialist republic.”

ITUC’s Annual Survey of Trade Union Rights can be read at http://survey.ituc-csi.org/.